Contents
Kenora Association for
Community Living1
Social Justice and
Citizenship Policy Analysis Paper1
“Social Citizenship” or New
Property Rights2
Opposition and Arguments to
a Rights Based Approach to Securing Social Justice. 3
The Opposition to a Rights
Orientation from Wolfensberger3
The Opposition from
Communitarians4
Arguments based on View of
Debilitating effects of Systems and Outsourcing to Professionals. 5
Externalized Responsibility. 6
Note on Legal Rights vs.
Other "Rights"6
A Historical Perspective on
Accessibility Legislation7
Convention on the Rights of
The Disabled8
Article 3 - General
principles9
Article 4 - General
obligations9
Previous Statements by KACL. 10
Appendicies. Error! Bookmark not defined.
ODA
Resolution Unanimously passed by the Ontario Legislation. 13
The intent of this paper is
to provide a resource to Board and Staff of KACL on issues concerning social
justice for persons with disabilities. Some issues which should be addressed by
this paper include
(1) What rights must be secured to
ensure a meaningful and satisfactory lifestyle.
(2) How can political, moral and social
rights be enhanced or honoured whether legal or not.
(3) Which political, moral,
economic, cultural, civic and social rights should be converted to legal
rights,
(4) How do we convert them without
externalizing responsibility any more than is presently the case with political
rights.
(5) What are the long-term
implications of doing so?
Years ago, T. H. Marshall suggested
that human rights are not absolute but are derived from prevailing social, economic
and political conditions. Marshall in 1950 coined the term ‘social
citizenship’ to cover a set of rights ‘ranging from the right to modicum of
economic welfare and security to the right to share to the full in the social
heritage and to live the life of a civilized being according to the standards
prevailing in the society’ (quoted from Vogt 199 page 174).
Charles Reich developed a theory of property to cover the property protection of the things over which most people depend upon more than land to provide then economic security such as pensions, social welfare and so forth[1] . Reich’s concept of property rights would cover such things as property in jobs, social security benefits (explicitly denied in the U.S. Supreme Court case (Flemming vs. Nestor, 1960) and KACL might include property in jobs, health and education.
Generally most political philosophers
agree that you can’t have both total liberty and total equality.
In an excellent article in McGill Law Journal (2000) 45 McGill L.J. 567 Mr Justice Charles D Gonthier concludes
When our current society comes across seemingly unsolvable problems...it may be that part of the solution should involve an understanding of the balance between liberty, equality and fraternity. Liberty can only be enjoyed in its fullest form in a community that respects and cares for one another. Equality means nothing if it is not informed by the actual differences between people, which may require those in positions of power or advantage to take additional steps to assist those less advantaged. This is substantial equality. It is democratic liberalism. It is community. It is fraternity.
Several social philosophers
and commentators have asserted that hyper promotion of rights leads to
inevitable impoverishment of community and corresponding ultimately leaves
vulnerable people ultimately less well off. Many
commentators have voiced opposition to what they see as the modern
individualized society’s over emphasis on rights[2]
Dr Wolfensberger has gained notoriety
as a defender of the rights of the handicapped especially in the area of life
and the avoidance of “Death making”. He has argued against a “radical rights
approach” to protecting consumers. The following notes were delivered with
their presentation:
Problems That Arise When Modernistic
Radical Individualism Combines with a Radical Human Law/Rights Position
1. Some
people want/get rights without obligations
2. Some
people get Obligations without Rights
Communitarianism emerged in the 1980s
as a response to the limits of ‘liberal theory and practice’[3] . Mary Ann Glendon[4] has suggested that rhetoric of personal
liberty and rights tends to erode the social foundations upon which freedom
rests, and impedes compromise, mutual understanding, and the discovery of
common ground. A political language
saturated with rights undermines our capacity for public discussion of the
right ordering of our lives together.
Analogous to the issue of role of fats
in western diet, rights are not a bad thing. The human body needs fats to
properly function. But in the Western world too much fat in diets cause
health problems. By analogy rights are not bad things. To the contrary,
individual rights are necessary for a meaningful and satisfactory lifestyle and
the smooth functioning of society. But too much talk about rights without
similar talk about responsibilities leaders to an unhealthy society.
A tendency to frame nearly
every social controversy in terms of a clash of rights impedes compromise,
mutual understanding, and the discovery of common ground. A penchant for
absolute formulations promotes unrealistic expectations and ignores both social
costs and the rights of others. A near–aphasia concerning
responsibilities makes it seem legitimate to accepts the benefits of living in
a democratic social welfare republic without assuming the corresponding
personal and civic obligations.[5]
Perhaps the best spoke
person for this argument is John McKnight as expressed in his book The Careless
Society, Community and Its Counterfeits; Peter Block as expressed in Community,
The Structure of Belonging and The two of then in The Abundant Community,
Awakening the Power of Families and Neighborhoods.
In The Careless Society[6] , John McKnight suggests that competent
communities have been invaded, captured, and colonized by professional services
– with devastating results. Overwhelmed by these social services, the
spirit of community falters: families’ collapse, schools fail, violence
spreads, and medical systems spiral out of control. “The enemy is not poverty,
sickness, and disease,” states McKnight. “The enemy is a set of interests that
need dependency masked by service”.
McKnight and Block (2010) indicate there are four stages in the transition from "community and family competence" toward "professionalization and communal incompetence:
Commenting on the attempt
of professional organizations to impose their wide discretion over entry,
expulsion and formulation of rules governing the conduct of their members on
the population at large, David Young in his book the Rule of Experts commented,
“Occupational regulation has
served to limit consumer choice, raise consumer costs, increase practitioner
income, limit practitioner mobility, deprived the poor of adequate services,
and restricted job opportunities for minorities – all without a demonstrated
improvement in quality or safety of the licensed activities.[7] ”
Examples of such regulation include:
Certified Social Workers, Regulated Health Practitioners Act.
Examples where attempts have been made
The opposite poles in the debate on
the issues involved in the Ontarians With Disabilities Act and in the current debates
concerning the ‘Welfare State’ are not in total disagreement. One side is
not against taking care of people who are unable to care for themselves nor is
the other side against people assuming responsibility for their own
lives. In a different context, David Schmidtz indicated, “Differences are
ones of emphasis, of what we think needs be said emphatically and what ought
simply be taken to be business as usual”. Individual versus Collective
Responsibility is not the real issue. More crucial is a distinction
between what Schmidtz calls internalized and externalized responsibility.
Economists say a decision involves a negative externality when someone other
than the decision maker ends up bearing some of the decision’s costs (as for
example a pulp mill dumping wastes into a river to be dealt with by the people
down stream. “ Responsibility is externalized when people do not take
responsibility: for messes they cause, for messes in which they find
themselves…responsibility is internalized when agents take responsibility for
their welfare, for their future, for the consequences of their actions”[9] .
Collective responsibility can be a form of internalized
responsibility. So when families willingly take responsibility for each
other, we can see them as internalizing responsibility”.
When the typical person on
the street talks of possessing certain “rights” he does not distinguish between
moral or ethical, social, political, and legal “rights”. There may be a moral,
ethical, social, or political rights that should be treated with respect, but
unless there is a legal duty on the part of others to provide such respect,
there is no legal “right” or entitlement. For example, you do not respect
someone if you disturb him or her by loud boisterous insults at a political
meeting (heckling). Morality and Social etiquette forbid such actions. However,
only in or near a church service is it a legal right not to be disturbed
(Canadian Criminal Code). However, you may not throw a pie at a politicians.
Both criminal sanctions and civil rights sanctions (damages) may be used to
enforce the right not to be assaulted. Only when the State, through its
means of enforcement, enforces the observance of a right can a claim be called
a legal right or entitlement.
Equally so the existence of a legal right
does not necessarily mean that such a right has moral quality. For
example, in a previous age, a legal right to “own a “slave” did not mean that
all believed that slavery was a moral right.
The public may believe that persons with
disabilities are legally entitled to minimum supports from state funded
agencies or Associations such as are provided by KACL. But such supports
are only discretionary and MCSS determines what level of supports they will
collectively provide. If the Government of the day decides to reduce
supports beneath political acceptable levels, only a change of Government and
not an application to a court will change support levels. In such a changed
world such rights would be a legal entitlement.
This analysis paper
commenced with discussions on an CLO campaign to promote a “strong”
"Ontarians with Disabilities Act. The Ontarians with Disabilities Act
was the short title of the Ontario Government's Bill 125 - "An Act to
improve the identification, removal and prevention of barriers faced by persons
with disabilities and to make related amendments to other Acts". The Act
received Royal Assent on 14 December 2001 and came into force on February 7,
2002. It was replaced with by the Accessibility for Ontarians with
Disabilities Act, 2005 in 2005, and is no longer in force.
The Bill's original purpose
had been to achieve a barrier-free Ontario for persons with disabilities - a
right of full participation. It was to require the timely removal of existing
new barriers, within reasonable time lines and in accordance with reasonable
cost parameters. It was meant to apply to employment, public transit,
education, provincial and municipal government services and facilities, and
other goods, services and facilities offered to the public.
Those who supported the
idea of an ODA hoped that it would require government bodies, and others bound
by law to identify the barriers that they now have which impede persons with
disabilities from full participation, and to design reasonable plans consistent
with their resources to remove these barriers and to prevent new ones from
being created, all within reasonable time lines. They wanted it to allow for
the enactment of regulations with input from disability groups, business
interests and others, to set out measures to be implemented to achieve the
ODA's goals, and reasonable time lines for their achievement. It was meant to
incorporate an effective, fair and timely process for enforcement.
However, Bill 125 was
severely criticized because the act[ merely required voluntary action without
enforcement, penalties or deadlines. The government passed a stronger, more
effective Act, which they did in 2005 with the enactment of the Accessibility
for Ontarians with Disabilities Act, 2005(AODA). many of its provisions do not
come into force until 2025.
The Ontario Human Right’s
act prohibits discrimination on the grounds of mental “handicaps” [qua
disability] in a number of areas of activities. However, it does not
require corporations or persons to ensure that persons with disabilities can
participate fully in employment or the life of the community. The desires of
those spearheading the passing of a strong Ontarians with Disabilities Act
desired to accomplish the latter.
On March 11 2010 Canada
Ratified the Convention on the Rights of the Disabled which may be found at http://www.un.org/disabilities/convention/conventionfull.shtml.
The purpose of the present
Convention is to promote, protect and ensure the full and equal enjoyment of
all human rights and fundamental freedoms by all persons with disabilities, and
to promote respect for their inherent dignity.
Persons with disabilities include those who have long-term physical, mental,
intellectual or sensory impairments which in interaction with various barriers
may hinder their full and effective participation in society on an equal basis
with others.
For the purposes of the
present Convention:
The principles of the
present Convention shall be:
1. States Parties undertake
to ensure and promote the full realization of all human rights and fundamental
freedoms for all persons with disabilities without discrimination of any kind
on the basis of disability. To this end, States Parties undertake:
2. With regard to economic,
social and cultural rights, each State Party undertakes to take measures to the
maximum of its available resources and, where needed, within the framework of
international cooperation, with a view to achieving progressively the full
realization of these rights, without prejudice to those obligations contained
in the present Convention that are immediately applicable according to
international law.
3. In the development and implementation of legislation and policies to
implement the present Convention, and in other decision-making processes
concerning issues relating to persons with disabilities, States Parties shall
closely consult with and actively involve persons with disabilities, including
children with disabilities, through their representative organizations.
The Association’s Shared
Responsibility Paper speaks about “an equal assurances of life opportunities”.
During
the summer of 2010 the Executive Director reviewed the past and recent history
of the “Social Citizenship” issue with Community Living Ontario, the Federal
and Provincial discussions and pronouncements on the “Social Union” and the
general discussion in the Internet community and suggested that the term Social
Justice was more in line with the attainment of “human”, “civil”, “political”,
“cultural” and “economical” rights that the Association and those we serve were
seeking. This term had both a past dating the middle of the 19th
century and has been expanded in the 20th century. The original term was coined
by Jesuit Luigi Taparelli in 1840 based on the teachings of St. Thomas Aquinas
and the concept expanded by John Stuart Mills in the 1860s, by John Wesley and
by John Rawls in the 19th century. In Canada its spokesperson has
been seen as Tommy Douglas who in 2004 beat out Terry Fox, Pierre
Trudeau, and Frederick Banting to be named the Greatest Canadian in a CBC poll.
Social justice in all
its various pronouncements is concerned with
human, political, civil, cultural and economic. It is based on concepts
of human rights, economical and social equality rights but it emphasizes
cooperation rather than conflict. It also emphasizes social justice as a way of
life rather than abstract theorizing Margaret Conrad, an Officer of
the Order of Canada in 2004 and a director of Canada’s History Society, recalls
a speech of Douglas that she heard as a
member of the Progressive Conservative Students Society at Acadia
University in the late 1960s. Douglas’s comments on social justice:
Social justice is like taking a
bath. You have to do it every day or pretty soon you start to stink.
In searching for an enlarged definition that captures what KACL
is advocating the following definition was discovered:
The goal of social justice is
full and equal participation of all groups in a society that is mutually shaped
to meet their needs. Social justice includes a vision of society in which the distribution
of resources is equitable and all members are physically and psychologically safe and secure. We envision a society in which
individuals are both self-determining (able to develop their full capacities
and interdependent (capable of interacting democratically with others). Social
justice involves social actors who have a sense of their own agency as well as
a sense of social responsibility toward and with others, their society, and the
broader world in which we live. These are conditions we wish not only for our
own society but also for every society in our interdependent global community.
(Adams, Bell, Griffin, Teaching for Diversity and Social Justice
Further
emphasis can be provided by the additional quote of Jerome M. Segal, 1999
in Graceful Simplicity, which speaks to KACL’s desire to reduce poverty in many
dimensions:
The human good is too diverse
to try to capture either its richness or its poverty in a single dimension. For
instance, we can identify five forms of impoverishment:
Material impoverishment,
meaning inadequacies of goods and services such that the individual experiences
(or is exposed to) disease, hunger, starvation. This could be caused by
inadequacies of monetary income, inadequacies of public investment,
inadequacies of human support systems, or even simply bad luck.
Intellectual impoverishment,
meaning an inadequacy of education and/or absence of interaction with others so
that the individual does not partake in a life of the mind. This can be brought
about through lack of schooling leading to illiteracy, or more commonly a
culture of intellectual isolation.
Spiritual impoverishment,
meaning the absence of any transcendent meaning in the experiences or
activities of the individual. This might include, but certainly should not be
limited to or defined in terms of, religious experience.
Aesthetic impoverishment,
meaning the absence of beauty within the person's life, whether it is the
beauty of material possessions, the natural environment, the urban world, or
the absence of ceremony.
Social impoverishment, meaning
an absence of central relationships, of friends and loved ones. (Jerome M.
Segal 1999)
Our shared Responsibility paper speaks to the responsibility
of various social actors.
Glendon argues that with the growth of the modern welfare state, the basis of wealth and status in society has altered the position of the family. The ‘new family’ to use Glendon’s terminology, has emerged in tandem with the ‘new property’.
The
Church
In John McKnight’s The Careless Society there is a beautiful
chapter entitled ‘Christian Service’. In it he claims, “We are Christians, people
who have it backwards, we serve rather than rule- act as servants rather than
lords.” But as McKnight acknowledges that many Christians use the idea to
conquer, rule and dominate others in Christ’s name. “It is not enough,
therefore, to ask whether someone says he or she is serving Christ. There
are bad and good servants”. Bad servants conquer, dominate, exploit and
control. They become lords rather than servants, McKnight questions
whether the human reality is always to make servant hood into lordship. Christ
concluding remarks in St. John’s reporting of the last Supper was to call his
disciples friends rather than servants. McKnight concludes:
Perhaps beyond the revolution of Christian Service is the final revolution, the possibility of being friends. Friends are people who know, care, respect, struggle, love justice, and have a commitment to each other through time.
Why friends rather than servants? Perhaps it is because He (Christ) knew that servants could always become lords but that friends could not. Servants are people who know the mysteries that can control those to whom they can give “help”. Friends are people who know each other. They are free to give and receive help.
Could the Church become a place where persons with disabilities might find friends?
See also Various Dossiers files including Financial Income (Should This be renamed Financial Security), Housing, Transportation, Education,
·
ODSP
Issues
· Making the Disability Tax Credit Refundable
· Employment and Workfare
· Availability and affordability
· Civic Responsibility
· Availability and Affordability
The goal of KACL is to ensure that all persons with special
needs have the opportunity to live a meaningful and satisfying lifestyle and
interact as an equal in their community by providing continuing opportunities
for personal growth through education, training, support, advocacy and an
informed public.
In the opinion of this House, since persons with
disabilities in Ontario face systemic barriers in access to employment,
services, goods, facilities and accommodation; and since, all Ontarians will
benefit from the removal of these barriers, thereby enabling these persons to
enjoy equal opportunity and full participation in the life of the province; and
since Premier Harris promised in writing during the last election in the letter
from
(a) Enact an Ontarians with Disabilities Act within its current term of office; and
(b) Work together with members of the Ontarians with Disabilities Act Committee, amongst others, in the development of such legislation.
And since this House unanimously passed a resolution on
1.
The purpose of the Ontarians with Disabilities Act
should be to effectively ensure to persons with disabilities in
2. The Ontarians with Disabilities Act's requirements should supersede all other legislation, regulations or policies which either conflict with it, or which provide lesser protections and entitlements to persons with disabilities;
3. The Ontarians with Disabilities Act should require government entities, public premises, companies and organizations to be made fully accessible to all persons with disabilities through the removal of existing barriers and the prevention of the creation of new barriers, within strict time frames to be prescribed in the legislation or regulations;
4. The Ontarians with Disabilities Act should require the providers of goods, services and facilities to the public to ensure that their goods, services and facilities are fully usable by persons with disabilities, and that they are designed to reasonably accommodate the needs of persons with disabilities. Included among services, goods and facilities, among other things, are all aspects of education including primary, secondary and post-secondary education, as well as providers of transportation and communication facilities (to the extent that Ontario can regulate these) and public sector providers of information to the public e.g. governments. Providers of these goods, services and facilities should be required to devise and implement detailed plans to remove existing barriers within legislated timetables;
5. The Ontarians with Disabilities Act should require public and private sector employers to take proactive steps to achieve barrier-free workplaces within prescribed time limits. Among other things, employers should be required to identify existing barriers which impede persons with disabilities, and then to devise and implement plans for the removal of these barriers, and for the prevention of new barriers in the workplace;
6. The Ontarians with Disabilities Act should provide for a prompt and effective process for enforcement. It should not simply incorporate the existing procedures for filing discrimination complaints with the Ontario Human Rights Commission, as these are too slow and cumbersome, and yield inadequate remedies;
7. As part of its enforcement process, the Ontarians with Disabilities Act should provide for a process of regulation making to define with clarity the steps required for compliance with the Ontarians with Disabilities Act, It should be open for such regulations to be made on an industry-by-industry basis, or sector-by-sector basis. This should include a requirement that input be obtained from affected groups such as persons with disabilities before such regulations are enacted. It should also provide persons with disabilities with the opportunity to apply to have regulations made in specific sectors of the economy;
8. The Ontarians with Disabilities Act should also mandate the Government of Ontario to provide education and other information resources to companies, individuals and groups who seek to comply with the requirements of the Ontarians with Disabilities Act;
9.
The Ontarians with Disabilities Act should also require
the Government of Ontario to take affirmative steps to promote the development
and distribution in
10. The
Ontarians with Disabilities Act should require the provincial and municipal
governments to make it a strict condition of funding any program, or of
purchasing any services, goods or facilities, that they be designed to be fully
accessible to and usable by persons with disabilities. Any grant or contract,
which does not so provide is void and unenforceable by the grant-recipient or
contractor with the government in question;
The Ontarians with Disabilities
Act must be more than mere window dressing. It should contribute meaningfully
to the improvement of the position of persons with disabilities in
Liberal democracy in its various appellations –constitutional democracy, representative democracy, parliamentary democracy, modern democracy is a regime – a political form of society that is exclusively at the level of the political leaving aside its possible accompaniment with a particular economic system. It is a specific form of organizing human coexistence political that results from the articulation between two different traditions: (1) political liberalism (rule of law, and individual rights; (2) democratic traditions of popular sovereignty[10]
The core value of social democracy – the sense that
communities and equal citizenship matter, that ordinary people need to work
together to improve their lives, to increase their ability to cope with the
impact of change – is a good value. It is the "ought" that
gives us the vision to face a difficult world. The value is deep and enduring,
but the policy instruments we choose to express it must change and evolve in
response to experience. Some people get so attached to a
nostrum-government ownership, a particular method of registration, one system
of taxation or another – that they fail to see these policies are just
tools. They are not the idea of social democracy itself. The
essence of social democracy is its belief in the equal right of every person to
enjoy the good things of life, its commitments to freedom, and its recognition
of the enduring value of human solidarity.[11]
Except from In Unison: A Canadian Approach to Disability Issues, Ministers of
Social Services, December 1997
In Unison: A Canadian Approach to Disability Issues
A Canadian Approach
In Unison is a vision made up of values, principles and building blocks that affirms the importance of ensuring the full participation of persons with disabilities in society.
Persons with disabilities participate as full citizens in all aspects
of Canadian society. The full participation of persons with disabilities
requires the commitment of all segments of society. The realization of the
vision will allow persons with disabilities to maximize their independence and
enhance their well-being through access to required supports and the
elimination of barriers that prevent their full participation.
Although the vision does not promote special treatment of persons with disabilities, it does recognize the need for specialized services for persons with disabilities within the generic framework for the delivery of services and supports. The intent is that persons with disabilities will have the same opportunities as other Canadians. The vision also reflects the changing attitudes of society. Most persons with disabilities no longer are seen or see themselves as dependent individuals with no ability to control their lives. They no longer are considered permanently unemployable or unable to contribute to society. Indeed, persons with disabilities contribute to Canadian society through art, culture, sports, political, voluntary and community activities, and other activities which are not solely economic. These realities must be reflected in legislation, public policy and programs.
To realize the vision, governments have identified an overarching theme of citizenship and three key building blocks of disability supports, employment and income. These building blocks are guided by a set of values and principles.
In meeting the needs of persons with disabilities, governments recognize above all that an integrated approach is required. An integrated approach will help ensure that actions taken in one building block are consistent and complementary with actions taken in another building block. If actions are uncoordinated, they can offset or reduce the effectiveness of actions taken in another area.
Governments can facilitate, for example, the transition to work for persons with disabilities by adopting complementary income and employment strategies. Currently, persons with disabilities face significant barriers to work because access to disability supports is tied rigidly to eligibility for specific programs such as income support, training and employment. Some income programs also adopt an 'all or nothing' approach to providing financial assistance. Individuals are classified as either incapable (eligible for income support) or fully capable (of working) and as such, income programs do not provide an incentive to work or volunteer. Individuals who find work not only lose their income support but also may lose their disability supports. Many individuals are unable to make the transition to work unless they can purchase disability supports with their employment income. The rigid link between income programs and disability supports as well as the lack of adequate incentives in many income programs to pursue work or volunteer opportunities counteract employment strategies targeted for persons with disabilities.
From this perspective, In Unison promotes a common approach by governments to persons with disabilities. The objective is to ensure a seamless and coordinated system of benefits and services for Canadians with disabilities. At the same time, governments recognize that each jurisdiction requires a degree of flexibility to address the specific circumstances and priorities of its citizens. Moreover, In Unison recognizes the need for governments to focus their initial efforts on improving the efficiency and effectiveness of programs and the coordination between programs. At the same time, the document recognizes that this new disability agenda may require new investment or reinvestment as fiscal resources permit.
In Unison builds on years of consultation and government study. The building blocks -disability supports, employment and income- evolved from the many initiatives undertaken by governments over the years to improve the lives of persons with disabilities. The building blocks have been guided and shaped by this extensive body of work, summarized in Appendix D. In Unison is also consistent with recent reform initiatives by the Government of Canada and provincial/territorial governments to harmonize income support programs and to develop and implement the Employability Assistance for People with Disabilities initiative (successor to the Vocational Rehabilitation of Disabled Persons program).
Values
In developing this document, jurisdictions focused on the set of values rooted in the notions of equality, the social union and federalism.
Equality is a right guaranteed to all Canadian citizens. The values inherent in the concept of equality include self-determination, autonomy, dignity, respect, integration, participation and independent living. These values are consistent with those that shape the social union (Appendix E): compassion, dignity, sharing, fairness, equity, equal opportunity and independence. The values that underlie Canadian federalism provide for mutual respect among jurisdictions and an acceptance of diversity; flexibility to respond to local priorities and circumstances; and citizen engagement and public accountability.
In Unison:
A Canadian Approach to Disability Issues
Principles
In Unison
also is guided by three sets of principles that relate to the substance and
process of reform. The substance of the proposed changes is informed by the
principle of inclusion that seeks to enhance the full participation of persons
with disabilities in all domains of Canadian society. The process of reform is
shaped by the work of the social union and the principles inherent in the
concept of flexible and efficient federalism. Finally, both the substance and
process are framed by a set of principles that guide social policy reform.
Inclusion
The full
inclusion of persons with disabilities is a central theme in previous reports
and initiatives of both governments and nongovernmental organizations. The
Federal Task Force on Disability Issues was the most recent major initiative
that employed this theme as a key organizing concept.
Participation
and inclusion also are embodied in the following principles set out more
recently by Federal/Provincial/ Territorial Ministers Responsible for Social
Services. These principles were derived from the federal/provincial/territorial
review, Mainstream 1992 — Pathway to Integration.
Rights and
responsibilities: Persons with disabilities have the same rights and the same
responsibilities as other Canadians. They are entitled, as others are, to the
equal protection and the equal benefit of the law and require measures for
achieving equality.
Empowerment:
Persons with disabilities require the means to maximize their independence and
enhance their well-being.
Participation:
Persons with disabilities require full access to the social, economic and
physical infrastructure that supports our society so that they can participate
fully and equally in their communities.
Food and Meal Distribution
|
Formal Name |
Informal Names |
Program Descriptions |
Total Served /Disabled[12] |
# Volunteers /Disabled |
|
|
|
Breakfast 7.15 – 8:00 Monday - Fridays |
50-85 |
6/ 1 or 2 irregular |
|
Food Bank & Vouchers |
“Single, Family 2 and Family 3 Bags” + Safeway Vouchers |
|||
|
Christmas Hampers |
|
|||
|
Agape Table |
Soup Kitchen, Soup Line |
Lunch |
60-85/5-10 |
5 – 8, Total of 20 – 25 / 5 |
|
Kenora Fellowship Centre |
|
65-95 for Coffee |
65-95 / 5 |
|
|
Lunch when Agape closes in Summer |
|
|||
|
|
Open Door |
|
50-75 / 5-10 |
15-20/ 1 |
|
Thanksgiving Dinner |
100/5-10 |
20-25 |
||
|
Food Distributed Sunday to Friday |
3 |
|||
|
Knox United |
|
Subway Food Vouchers 2 a month |
|
|
Case 1
Part 1
John (John is severely mentally handicapped) and Jack life
share in a part of the city that was once called McClure’s’ Mills. Across the street
two houses down lives
Part 2
Query whether
Part 3
Query what rights does John have – to go to a total
institution and have all citizens pay for it.
Case 2
Wayne’s
Story
Case
3
Rod’s Story
Rod likes company. The problem is that his company doesn’t always like Rod. Many call the local office of the Association for Community Living asking for help for Rod. What they really want is for Rod to stay away from their home or place of business. The problem is they don’t want to tell Rod. Rod doesn’t want help. He doesn’t want a job.
Some Comments on Terminology
The bulk of the persons served by KACL have what is
commonly referred to in Kenora
The World Health Organization (WHO) has presented a
sequence that makes some useful distinctions:
Disease (and Birth Defects)
Impairments
Disability
Handicap
An impairment is “any loss of or abnormality of psychological, physiological, or anatomical structure or function”. A disability reflects the consequences of impairment, being any restriction or lack of ability to perform an activity in the manner or within the range considered normal for non-impaired persons. A handicap, a disadvantage resulting from an impairment or disability, limits or prevents the person from fulfilling his or her normal role. Handicaps therefore are not determined by one’s physical capabilities but rather reflect the social consequences of that disability. In short, the individual’s perception of a handicap is tempered by the society in which that person lives.[13]
A handicap then is not a fixed feature of a person but rather the product of a social, legal, political and economic context.(WHO)
Personal limitations are pert of the human condition, and they get split into two kinds. One is the limitation that can’t be fixed; the other is that which can be fixed. This is the distinction between mental health, which we believe is curable, and developmental disabilities, which we believe are not. We are less accepting of people recovering from mental illness because it is considered solvable, People with visible disabilities which we know will not be changed, are more integrated into society. In one case cure, in the other acceptance.
The point is the condition we
are in is being human. To be human means to be fallible. How do you deal with
limitations and the suffering that goes with them? You can fix it or accept
it…The system mindset thinks the human condition is a problem to be solved. The
competent community treats troubles as a condition. They can not be solved.
However, they can be accepted, and the person is valued for their gifts that
build our community.(McKnight and Block 2010)
Etzioni, Amitai (1993), The Spirit of Community, Rights, Responsibilities
and the Communitarian Agenda,
Glendon, Mary Ann (1991) Rights talk, The Impoverishment
of Political Discourse,
Groce, Nora Ellen (1985) Everyone Here Spoke Sign Language,
Hereditary Deafness on
McKnight, John, The Careless Society, Community and Its
Counterfeits,
Rae, Bob (1998) The Three Questions, Prosperity and the
Public Good,
Richards, John (1997) Retooling the Welfare State,
Rioux, Marcia and
Schmidtz and Robert E. Goodin, Social Welfare and
Individual Responsibility,
Vogt,
[1] Reich, Charles 1965 ‘The New Property’ Yale Law Journal 73, No.5 733-87
[2] See Etzioni, Amitai
(1993), The Spirit of Community, Rights, Responsibilities and the Communitarian
Agenda,
[3] Carmen Sirianni and Lewis Friedland, Communitarianism, Civic Practices Network, http//www.cpn.org/sections/tools/models/Communitarianism.html
[4] Rights Talk: The Impoverishment of Political Discourse. New York: Free Press 1991; The New family and the New Property Toronto: Butterworths, 1981
[5] Ibid, xi
[6] John McKnight The Careless Society, Community and Its Counterfeits, New York, 1995
[7] S. David Young, The Rule of Experts, Occupational Licensing in America, Washington, Cato Institute, 1987, page 1
[8] This section draws heavy on Schmidtz and Goodin 1998
[9] Ibid, 8
[10] See Chantal Mouffe, “Democracy, Power, and the Political” in Seyla Benhabib (editor), Democracy and Difference, Contesting the Boundaries of the Political, Princeton, N.J. Princeton University Press, 1996 p.242
[11] Bob Rae, The Three Questions, Prosperity and the Public Good, Toronto: Viking Press, 1998, Page7-8
[12] Numbers described as disabled or handicapped differ quite substantially based on perceptions. For example some include person with solvent abuse as disabled some do not.
[13]
Groce, Nora Ellen (1985) Everyone Here Spoke Sign Language, Hereditary Deafness
on